Ireland's Emergency During WWII Print E-mail

 Irish Neutrality in WWII

 

Éamon de Valera a freedom fighter by nature had the foresight as the nations new leader to see that Ireland needed a Neutrality Policy. In 1938, De Valera proclaimed at the League of Nations that the world was heading for disaster and destruction in another world war. He said that when the war came and was over there would be another Peace conference but why should not a real peace conference come first, so that the world might be saved pain, misery, disillusionment and destruction? His words fell on deaf ears.

Although Ireland remained neutral in the Second World War, many commentators reflect on the times and indeed will openly suggest that a benevolent neutrality existed when it came to dealing with individual cases and a much stricter view was taken regarding the international policies adopted by other sovereign states. There was as usual an attempt by British propagandists during and after the war to cry, “foul” over Ireland’s neutral stand. Attempts were made to associate Ireland, and in particular the IRA, with Nazi Germany. No connection of any significance was ever uncovered. There was the rumour that the Japanese embassy in Dublin was filled with spies. In fact, it contained only four Japanese personnel who behaved in line with diplomatic expectation. The ordinary people of Britain were confused by Ireland’s neutrality, much as if Wales or Scotland had opted for neutrality. The history they had been exposed to was not the same as the people of Ireland were forced to live through. Many links had been forged between Wales, Scotland and England clearly the general public thought Ireland would help them out in their times of strife. But most did not understand Irish history and the way the Irish mindset had been created over the previous 100 years of its history.

At the time the benevolent approach was not publicised, for fear that it might cause embarrassment to the Irish Government. There can be no doubt in hindsight that the Neutral Ireland stance was the correct one.

It would have been an enormous task for England to defend both her coast and that of Eire. It is also acknowledged that a German force invading Ireland and then invading England would have had many more options with regard to; Invading England and securing the western approaches of the Atlantic, thus further isolating England from vital American resources.

 

 Éamon de Valera, was not Winston Churchill’s favourite person by a long way, De Valera knew this and had worked with the Dáil to formulate a policy of neutrality early on in the history of a free Ireland. This concept of Irish neutrality complimented the aim of an independent, sovereign state free from British influence in particular.

During the war Northern Ireland was totally unprepared for enemy air attack. On occasions like the bombing of Belfast, however, this complacency was shattered when late on 15th April, 1941, as many as 150 German bombers dropped bombs, incendiaries and parachute mines onto the streets of the city, Harland and Wolf being the likely target. It was a huge calamity, thousands of people fled to the surrounding countryside, terrified refugees crowding into small towns and villages. Early morning on the 16th April, Northern Ireland's Minister of Public Security, Mr. John McDermott, now desperate, contacted Dublin in neutral Ireland and pleaded for assistance. A quarter of an hour later the city's central telephone exchange, which served all local and trunk lines out of Belfast received a direct hit. In Dublin, ‘benevolent’ neutrality swung into action, De Valera immediately ordered thirteen fire trucks to be sent north to help fight the all consuming fires that spread throughout the city and its environs. Many people and animals lay dead all over the city. It is doubtful whether the Luftwaffe intended to target the civilian population. The first target flares were dropped to illuminate the harbour and factory areas. They had drifted in a light wind across the city and away from the intended targets. This seems to have been the case when on a Sunday in May approximately 200 enemy bombers returned to finish the job on the docks and industrial area. In the first raid 745 people had been killed, in the second raid 164 people lost their lives. This was worse than the infamous raid on Coventry where 554 lives were lost.

Downed airmen from the British and American forces were regularly repatriated within 24 hours of them having become stranded in Eire. On other occasions it is known that airmen often escaped to the north without a harassing pursuit, the opposite is true regarding captured German servicemen they were held captive in the Curragh Camp for the duration of the war. Every respect and comfort was afforded them during their stay. A new camp was opened for the British internees at Gormanstown north of Dublin. One story is told that some British flyers were to be transferred from the Curragh to Gormanstown and on the way there; the flyers were transferred to several cars and driven to the border. The Irish Government allowed the Royal Observer Corps to set up plane-spotting posts around the Irish coast. A British radio transmitter operating from a van went undisturbed by the Irish authorities who took part in regular staff talks with the British army heads on the same basis of mutual trust and cooperation that the Irish Secret Service continually cooperated as a matter of routine with the British.

In his victory speech Winston Churchill spoke very strongly about Ireland for having stayed out of the war:

“Owing to the action of the Dublin Government ... the approaches which the southern Irish ports and airfields could so easily have guarded, were closed ... This was indeed a deadly moment in our lives, and if it had not been for the friendship and loyalty of Northern Ireland, we would have been forced to come to close quarters with Mr. De Valera ... However with a restraint and poise to which, I say, history will find few parallels, His Majesty’s Government never laid a violent hand upon them, though at times it would have been quite easy and quite natural.”

Éamon de Valera, in his famous radio speech, answered:

“Mr Churchill is proud of Britain’s stand alone, after France had fallen and before America entered the war. Could he not find it in his heart the generosity to acknowledge that there is a small nation that stood alone not for one year, or two, but for several hundred years against aggression; that endured spoliation, famines, massacres in endless succession; that was clubbed many times into insensibility, but each time on returning to consciousness took up the fight anew; a small nation that could never be got to accept defeat and has never surrendered her soul?”

Éamon de Valera had observed at first hand how small nations almost become disposable in times of international crisis when world powers are facing war. The policy kept Ireland out of the war as an independent sovereign nation but many of her sons, interestingly more from the south than from the north engaged themselves in the war. They either joined up with one of the British forces or worked night and day repairing the British wartime infrastructure particularly the heavily bombed air bases in the south east of England. Approximately 42,000 from Eire joined the British forces or went to sea in the Merchant Navy. Eight won the Victoria Cross, Britain's highest award. These men, when home in Ireland on leave wore civilian clothes to avoid any political embarrassment should they return home in a British uniform. Thousands more went to England to work in British munitions factories during the war. Whenever an Irishman died during battle he was reported in De Valera’s Irish Press as having died while working in Britain. In its 80-year history to date, Ireland has always fought in the interests of peace either through providing security forces or in debate. After leaving the British Commonwealth, Ireland in the 1950’s joined the United Nations and perplexed many observers with its unaligned stand on major issues of international importance, never giving ground on what it believed to be the just path towards peace. Ireland, as a result and for its consistency has been rewarded for its efforts. Today Ireland stands proudly and truly sovereign having come from its humble beginnings in the League of Nations rising to full member status in the United Nations Security Council. Ireland is unique amongst the small nations of the world in so far as it has proved itself to be there for the ‘long haul’ we have in the last century had our critics but for the most part we might have lost the odd battle but we came out on top, the envy of most.

Against this backdrop the story begins.